How many of the Greek/ Macidonian veterans survived.....

[conan]

How many of the Greek/ Macidonian veterans survived the whole seven year campagine?

I know there will be no exact figure but there must have been a good few.

[Paralus]

G'day Conan.

That is a particularly nasty question. The mercenary/Greek allies' side is impossible to answer and plain difficult to guess. The garrison towns became a much resented home for many of these and some three thousand took up arms and decamped at Alexander's death (and before) to be annihilated by Peithon. Not, of course, to mention the many thousands "released" under the exiles decree and order to disband satrapal armies in 324.

The Macedonian part of the equation can be tackled GÇô though not without controversy. I haven't the time to go over the details now but over the period of the campaign, the estimate of Macedonian soldiers serving in the East is about 30,000. Of these, we have Craterus returning with some 11,500 (10, 000 infantry and 1,500 cavalry) and a quite contradictory passage in the wordy Curtius stating that some 13,000 remained in the Royal Army, even though he has Alexander claiming that he's "sending more Macedonians home" than he was keeping. Go figure as the Americans would say.

Should we accept Curtius (and I don't), we then have 23,000 left in 323/2.

There is a chapter devoted to this in Bosworth's "Legacy of Alexander". Should I have time tonight I'll give it a re-read and post his conclusions. It is, as I recall, exceptionally well argued.

[Paralus]

Right, a quick squizz through the relevant chapter of Bosworth's "Legacy of Alexander" (pp 64 - 97) nets me the following numbers:

At Opis Alexander "retires" some 11,500 Macedonian infantry and cavalry. They are placed under the command of Craterus and ordered back to Macedon. Curtius states that some 13,000 remain in the Royal army with Alexander whilst simultaneously having Alexander state that more are going than staying: clearly preposterous if 13,000 are staying.

Bosworth assiduosly works through the numbers of Macedonian soldiers - as opposed to those trained in the Macedonian fashion or armed in the Macedonian fashion - in the Asian armies immediately after the Babylonian settlement in an effort to ascertain the Macedonian manpower post Alexander. He accords an upper limit of some 5,000 in the army of Perdiccas when he marched on Egypt (including the 3,000 Silver Shields) and gives a similar number to Neoptolemus and Alcetas (Ptolemy having recourse only to native troops at this time). Eumenes - at this time (322/1) - is of little consequence as he was pushed into trainig some 6,300 cavalry so as to meet Neoptolemus in the field and the sources attest to his distinct lack of Macedonian troops until his subsequent victory (it is to be remebered that Perdiccas assigned both Neoptolemus and Alcetas as Eumene's subordinates). This gives a total of some 10,000 Macedonian troops in Asia in 322. There were no fresh levies from Macedonia until the arrival of Craterus and Antipater from Europe.

So, should we assume that the figure of some 30,000 Macedonian troops serving over the term of the campaign is correct, and further, that those left in 323/2 were (with the addition of Craterus' 11,500) some 21,500, then the attrition rate was about a third.

This of course, did not leave terribly much at home in Macedonia, as the Lamian war showed. Interesting to note that Leonnatus - when he finally arrived - although breaking the siege, did not end the war, nor did he bring any Macedonian levies. That had to wait for Craterus.

Macedonian manpower was was at a premium and would become - in Diadochoi armies - the equivalent of Sparta's homoioi in Peleponnesian armies. They were not lightly wasted.

[Jim Boudreaux]

"Interesting to note that Leonnatus - when he finally arrived - although breaking the siege, did not end the war, nor did he bring any Macedonian levies. That had to wait for Craterus. "
Glad you brought this up, Paralus. I always found Leonnatus' actions less deserving of credit than what is often ascribed to him. As you say here he had few if any Macedonian's in his command. What he did have was what Perdiccas had authorized he and Eumenes to recruit for the intended invasion of Cappadocia, that being Cappadocians, Phrygians, Mysians, Lydians, Carians, Bithynians, Greeks and Thracians. With this lot he is said to have intended to relieve Lamia by battling a first rate Athenian General with Attic, Peloponnesian, Phocian and Thessalian forces at his disposal. And then, because of his acceptance of Cleopatra's offer of marriage, he was to then somehow dispose of Antipater who had under him an army of Macedonians.
Two things about this episode always piqued my curiosity. The first is the fact that the entire Greek army abandoned the siege of Lamia, where the Regent of Europe lay in their control, and forced marched to engage Leonnatus. This of course allowed Antipater to exit Lamia unchallenged with nothing to bar his return to Macedonia. The second is that after Leonnatus was killed in battle his army withdrew and a day later ran into Antipter on his way to Macedonia. Antipater must have taken the road north from Lamia into Thessaly because it was just north of Melitia that the two armies joined. This means that the battle between Antiphilus and Leonnatus occured at least a day's march to the west of the road that led from Thessaly to Lamia. Where was Leonnatus going that Antiphilus had to at all costs stop him? (After all letting Antipater out of Lamia was worth stopping Leonnatus in Antiphilus' view.) It seems Antipater was of secondary importance to both Antiphilus and Leonnatus so then what was of prime importance to them? I think he was in fact heading into Aetolia to join with those who had earlier served with Leosthenes at Lamia but then had returned to Aetolia and allied with Olympias. This would have given him at least an additional 12,000 men (even if Olympias had sent no Epiriot forces to join her hoped for son-in-law) with which he could then turn on Antiphilus, defeat him and call on the Macedonians in Lamia to come out to him with Antipater's head leading the way. If they refused he would then at least have an army he could hope to oppose them with.

[Paralus]

GGÇÖday Jim.

There really isnGÇÖt enough in the sources to make substantive claims let alone guesses. What is fairly well attested is the GÇ£offerGÇ¥ of Cleopatra to marry Leonnatus GÇô the plan being to take the Kingship of Macedonia. It is this that frightens EumenesGÇÖ horses (pardon the pun) further into the arms of Perdiccas (perhaps that should read leads Eumenes to "dob" on him in return for favours).

Now, this is an offer that could not have been made without the Atrax robustus (Olympias) playing a part. The whole set-up is the oil of the Diadochoi machinations down to 306: legitimacy. For Olympias it is more simple and direct GÇô put her grandson on the throne. That it would be acheived via the satisfying route of cold, murderous revenge - the removal the hated Antipater was, most likely, better than sex. Later events would indicate what then would have become of the old regentGÇÖs family.

Evidently, when political push inevitably came to phalangite shove, those that Leonnatus brought with him were not going to win the day. The GÇ£alliedGÇ¥ army at Lamia had been haemorrhaging troops GÇô the bleeding the more profuse as the time drew on GÇô and not a few of those to Anatolia. Those and the Taenarum mercenaries GÇô who along with the rest of the allied army GÇô pushed the Macedonian GÇ£home armyGÇ¥ into Lamia in the first place would be a good place to start.

In the end, he never got there. The sources make out that Antiphilus was young and inexperienced and was there as a result of a set up in the assembly at Athens to deny Phocion any command in the war. Also, the other commanders with him were apparently little more experienced. It is possible that this inexperience led them to tackle Leonnatus before he was in position to threaten. It may also be to stop him reaching the murderous matriarch. We donGÇÖt and likely will never will know.

Interesting that the next marriage proposal, for higher stakes GÇô indeed the entire game GÇô was Perdiccas. That too did not eventuate. And, tired of playing from behind the scenes, the frightening old murderess gathered up her Epirote levies (and mercenaries one may assume) and marched on Macedonia herself - with Polyperchon's troops (some at least) in tow. Anything other than AntipaterGÇÖs son on her throne one supposes. The end we all know. Not the sort of woman whoGÇÖs daughter one would ask out eh?

Ironic in the extreme that by the time of her death, Cleopatra will have been linked with or courted by most of the Diadochoi and not ever married a one?

[alejandro]

when political push inevitably came to phalangite shove,

Quality literature! I really like your prose Paralus!

Best

Alejandro

[Paralus]

Most kind of you Alejandro! Generally I seem to provoke bricks (intellectual) rather than boquets!

Makes a change. I shall have to give similar creative thought to future posts: that way when Pothosians (critics "theaccursed?) disagree with me they'll at least appreciate the manner in which the argument is dressed!

[Jim Boudreaux]

Hi Paralus,
Thanks for the insight. Please donGÇÖt think my objective is to offer anything as substantive. I really only want to understand Alexander and his age. I have learned, though, to read between the lines in order to gain that understanding. The example of Eumenes will serve. As you say, that he moved away from Leonnatus and toward Perdiccas is accepted fact. What I want to know is why. What made adhering to the one preferable to adhering to the other in EumenesGÇÖ world? I conclude that since Eumenes was instrumental in engineering the peaceful conclusion of the struggle between Perdiccas and Meleager known as the Babylon Solution, he would be repulsed by someone rejecting that solution and attracted to one supporting it. Why is this? I think because Eumenes was Greek his continued well being was dependent on a stable regime and the only stabilizing influence among the Macedonians was the kingship. Once Leonnatus accepted CleopatraGÇÖs offer he endangered that stability. Eumenes saw this; Perdiccas saw this. From Babylon Perdiccas would surely be weighing his chances, dangling a half-Persian baby and a half-witted simp, against a noble Macedonian married to the sister of Alexander backed by the mother of Alexander, struggling over the throne of Alexander. The grandson Olympias wanted to be king may not have been the one in Babylon but rather the one in Epirus, the son of Cleopatra and her late husband, Alexander of Epirus. One in her control and not in PerdiccasGÇÖ.

Again, this scenario is not meant to pose as substantive. It is a guess. My error perhaps, but I just hate blank spaces. With that being said, I posted my thoughts on LeonnatusGÇÖ GÇ£reliefGÇ¥ of Lamia. My assumption was that Antiphilus was an able commander and acted intelligently. Your information on his political appointment and lack of experience has shed light on this for me and so I have what I was after; further understanding. A closer look at the politicianGÇÖs role at Athens is in store for me. Thanks again.

[Paralus]

G'day Jim.

Another interesting point in the power machinations of the "Babylon Settlement" was Perdiccas' quashing of Alexander's appointment of Craterus as European viceroy. The sop to him was making him porostasia to the kings - or honorary epimeletes. Were Craterus being entertained by thoughts of joining Antipater in resisting Babylon prior to Alexander's death, this must surely have added several Athenian hetaira and wine craters to that entertainment.

Eumenes is a rather enigmatic fellow. He appears to have been trusted by Alexander and was GÇô in modern speak GÇô the king's secretary. As such, he was in a position to have collected all manner of juicy titbits on the titular challengers for post Alexander pre-eminence. He comes across as a latter day Themistocles: throwing in his lot with "the kings" and showing a loyalty to the succession missing in others, whilst always having one eye firmly fixed on his own advancement. He most likely had little choice, for not being Macedonian, he was in no position to GÇô as others (Craterus, Lysimachus) did GÇô affect royal dress and surround himself with an Alexander-like court and accoutrements.

In fact, he is a lonely character in the end when the powerful patrons are gone and he's forced into leading a coalition of satraps GÇô none of whom he can trust GÇô and those grumpy old guards (whom he thought he could) the Argyraspids, and is betrayed by Peucestas (who, sensing a wind change, tacked to Antigon-ward) and the Argyraspids. These later declaring him a Greek "pest from the Chersonesos".

In the end, I'd agree with you. As an outsider, Eumenes needed a strong and stable patronage. He needed what he'd had under Alexander. The only way to achieve that was to support the monarchy GÇô as that was what the troops seemingly wanted GÇô and hope to pick the marshal that would prevail in the military funeral games.

He chose GÇô with hindsight GÇô incorrectly .But then, he was playing Macedonian Monopoly with only the Cardian version of Old Kent Rd and a few drachmas in his posession and found himself on Empire's Mayfair - loaded with marshalls.